By Sir Ifeanyi Ejiofor, Esq. (KSC)
Democracy, it is often said, is fragile. In Nigeria, however, it has become so sugar-coated with executive fiat that one is left questioning whether we are still practising democracy or merely performing a cleverly disguised democrazy. Nowhere is this paradox more glaring than in Rivers State, where recent events have unfolded like the script of a poorly written political soap opera only with far graver consequences for the rule of law.
Six months ago, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, in a move that continues to provoke legal and political debate, unleashed what can best be described as a constitutional earthquake in Rivers State. Democratic structures, lawfully constituted through the electoral mandate of the people, were effectively suspended,creating an institutional limbo cloaked in the rhetoric of "political necessity" but bereft of legal justification.
This is not Nigeria’s first brush with executive overreach. The constitutional crisis in Plateau State remains a fresh scar in our collective memory. At the recently concluded Annual General Conference of the Nigerian Bar Association, Chief Emeka Ngige, SAN, Chairman of the Council of Legal Education, decried the tragic irony of the Supreme Court's delayed adjudication in appeals concerning the disruption of democratic structures in Rivers. His warning that justice delayed would become justice academic,has, regrettably, proven prophetic.
Yet Rivers State offers an even more dramatic and dangerous theatre. Since the advent of the Fourth Republic in 1999, the state has remained a crucible of political gladiatorship. From Dr. Peter Odili’s era, through the stormy reign of Rotimi Amaechi, to the combative years of Nyesom Wike, the state has consistently exemplified the darker arts of Nigerian politics. Wike, in particular, anointed himself the “Emperor of Port Harcourt,” bestriding the political landscape like a colossus. His dominance was so overwhelming that, even after leaving office in 2023, he attempted to retain political hegemony by handpicking his successor, Governor Siminalayi Fubara.
But history is replete with tales of protégés who rebel against their patrons. Within mere months, the Fubara Wike alliance collapsed spectacularly. What followed was a rapid descent into political chaos: mass defections, impeachment threats, the storming of legislative chambers, parallel sittings of rival factions, and the unforgettable image of a sitting governor weeping on national television as he narrated his travails.
At the peak of the crisis, local government chairmen,mostly loyal to Wike clashed openly with the governor's camp. The resulting political violence, accompanied by teargas, sporadic gunfire, and contradictory court orders, compelled intervention from the federal level. President Tinubu's intervention, ostensibly aimed at restoring order, was viewed by many as less a peacekeeping effort and more a strategic move to preserve Wike's bargaining power within the ruling party in the State.
The question remains: why suspend an entire democratic structure if not to afford Wike the breathing space to recalibrate his influence,via hurriedly organized local government elections and continued access to federal allocations? Why reduce the sacred mandate of the Rivers people to a bargaining chip in a dangerous political chess game?
History offers a sobering reminder: when democracy is enforced selectively and the constitution is applied inconsistently, governance descends into farce. The ongoing saga in Rivers is less about service to the people and more about raw political control,control over council chairmen, over state allocations, and over the very machinery of state power. In Nigeria, unfortunately, control often trumps the constitution.
For those naïve enough to think this six-month "truce" signals the end of Rivers State's political drama, let me be unequivocal: the first act has merely concluded. The second act is imminent. A fresh crisis looms ,one that may yet compel another federal intervention, possibly even the declaration of a state of emergency. This time, however, President Tinubu may find himself constrained,politically, legally, and morally,from once again donning the cloak of saviour to shield a political ally who may already have overplayed his hand.
Make no mistake: Nigerians are watching. The international community is watching. Most importantly, the people of Rivers State whose democratic destiny has been reduced to a pawn on the chessboard of political expediency,are watching too. And if history has taught us anything, it is this: political experiments that trample on democratic institutions may endure for a time, but they never last.
Sugar-coated democracy, once unwrapped, often reveals a bitter aftertaste. What Rivers State is currently enduring is not democracy it is its grotesque parody. It is an elaborate performance of democrazy. And if history is any guide, the curtain will inevitably fall, and those who toyed with the people's mandate will reap the whirlwind of their impunity.
Sir Ifeanyi Ejiofor, Esq. (KSC) is a Nigerian human rights lawyer and social crusader.
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